Composed of about 600 professionals, students, peasant leaders and barrio school teachers, the BRPF’s main function is to help mass organizations in their educational program, for the purpose of evating the political and social awareness of the people, particularly the oppressed masses. [39] Daroy, “On the Eve of Dictatorship and Revolution,” 4. It was a massacre.”, Ferdinand Marcos: “. Senator Roxas, Liberal Party President and Mrs. Roxas were also seriously hurt, and the Liberal Party candidate for Mayor of Manila, Congressman Bagatsing (whose proclamation had been the signal for the bombing), lost a leg in the holocaust. They read about the rallies in the alternative press or heard about them from friends and officemates. Emmanuel De Dios and Paul Hutchcroft explain Estrada’s ouster in this context: ‘What for [Edsa 2 activists] was a step toward rational and impartial government, represents for [Edsa 3 supporters] a return to a heartless dispensation and an affront to the already powerless.”, Abinales and Amoroso: “As a result of Edsa 3, the optimism that followed Edsa 2 was short-lived, replaced by apprehension and questioning of the value of people power as a political act. [6] Abinales and Amoroso, State and Society in the Philippines, 148. Newsmen were video-taping the scene as the woman in white prayed out loud, stressing the words ‘, ■ Nick Joaquin (Quijano de Manila): “Then the commander of the troops signalled the tanks to turn right into the grassy vacant lot at the corner of the crossing. An Eyewitness History: People Power, The Philippine Revolution of 1986. On the other hand, leftist leaders were eager not to miss the boat this time. . “Foreword.” In Days of Quiet, Nights of Rage: The First Quarter Storm and Related Events by Jose F. Lacaba. Despite a decline in poverty in the late 1990s, the gap in quality of life and power between the classes was growing. Marcos undeniably manipulated the turmoil for his political gain by using the communist guerrilla movement as a political prop to be trotted out on stage when it suited his needs and ambitions.”, Lewis Gleeck Jr.: “Nonetheless, the revolutionary cadres were growing: indoctrination was going on, whether among landless laborers or tenants in the field or among students in classroom teach-ins; radical organizations were being developed with a varied ideological orientation which could be used in United Front tactics; experience in conflict was being gained, from street marches to fire fights, with tactical exercises in violence screened by peaceful demonstrations; media support intended to paralyze government resistance, especially to student violence, was growing. I told them I was the mother of two small boys and I had come all the way from Las Piñas, leaving one of my sons sick in bed; but I felt I had to come to EDSA at the call of our country and share in the general concern. The Godfather 3-Movie Collection Marlon Brando, Al Pacino, Robert DeNiro, John Cazale, Robert Duvall, James Caan, Diane Keaton, Talia Shire DVD. Jones, Gregg R. Red Revolution: Inside the Philippine Guerrilla Movement. Boulder, CO and London: Westview Press, 1989. Manila: Salinlahi Publishing House, 1982. [10] Abinales and Amoroso, State and Society in the Philippines, 149. We couldn’t make out what it was, but judging from the speed of the engine we were certain it was a truck. [46] Patricio Abinales,  “The Left and the Philippine Student Movement: Random Historical Notes on Party Politics and Sectoral Struggles,” Kasarinlan 1, no. At the Malacañang conference, Operation Plan (Oplan) ‘, Petronilo Daroy: “Amid the blare of the public address system installed in Congress and surrounded by the military and the police, the rally initially went on peacefully. On the other hand, government was ineffective, the ordinary citizen was sometimes intimidated, frequently inconvenienced and at times deprived of his daily wage by demonstrators or strikers.”, Petronilo Daroy: “The 60s saw the resurgence of nationalism in the campuses as the students questioned  the roots of society’s problems. . The 1984. She asked what happened, and if she could do anything, to which Enrile replied ‘Just pray for us.’”, At eleven o’clock, Marcos held a press conference, attended only by his, Nick Joaquin (Quijano de Manila): “As midnight approached, the crowd that was expected to dwindle on EDSA seemed to be swelling instead. Cultural groups such as the KAMANYANG of the Philippine College of Commerce, Panday Sining of KM and Gintong Silahis of SDK as well as artist groups like the Nagkakaisang Progresibong Artista-Arkitekto (United Progressive Artists and Architects or NPAA) were notable for their contribution to the redefinition of culture that was mass-oriented and nationalist. Maynigo defined the target enemies of his nationalist group to include present oligarchs, government officials, and imperialists. The arms were not government-issued. Senators Salonga and Osmeña, both Presidential aspirants, were at first given only an outside chance to survive. A peaceful march of about 500 people on April 9 to protest the fraudulent elections was broken up and the participants, among them prominent opposition leaders, were arrested. Some scholars have  argued that ideology played little role in the protests, that the demonstrators were merely voicing discontent with long unattended social ills and the increasingly corrupt rule of Marcos or even mimicking student demonstrations that were sweeping the United States and Europe. Beyond that lay a broad range of political colors and orientations.”, Ma. But when the troops threw the horrid gas the wind abruptly changed and blew the gas back to the troops! There were 50-mm machine guns staring at us. That way, we would have enough time to figure out what to do. We were moving around distributing wet cloth while the crowd prayed the rosary. It had an atmosphere of danger. [74] Mijares, The Conjugal Dictatorship, 160. . In the days that followed, the radicals attacked the downtown Hilton Hotel and other perceived symbols of the U.S. presence in the Philippines.”, Raymond Bonner: “The [day after the Battle of Mendiola] rampaging demonstrators, many with white bandannas around their foreheads, assaulted the American embassy. The Marcos government was set to strike outside and inside its ranks—outside, at Cory Aquino and her leading supporters; inside, at the military reformists headed by Enrile. The people on Radio Veritas were telling what to do in case of a tear-gas raid and they were asking all those who lived near Crame to bring wet handkerchiefs. The civil libertarisms were in fact having a field day. The Rightists diagnosed the system as heavily dominated by corrupt politicians. Serena Diokno: “The earliest attempt at unity was the KOMPIL Congress (KOMPIL—, Ma. . How Marcos had added to his list of fakes when the ‘concerned’ artists and writers who supported him were rewarded with ‘Rolex’ watches faked in Taiwan. Martial law had crushed the increasingly militant labor movement, but beginning in 1975, radical unions under the direction of Party cadres began challenging a strike ban imposed by Marcos. Thompson, ​Mark R. The Anti-Marcos Struggle: Personalistic Rule and Democratic Transition in the Philippines. Finally I simply refused to go any farther; I just stood there and let my eyes absorb what there was to be seen. Pockets of students in the streets tried to set up barricades and lit up automobile tires in the middle of downtown Recto Avenue. Demonstrators, egged by agitators, and harassed by the Constabulary riot control troopers, threw their placards at the President and the First Lady, missing them by a hair-breadth as they prepared to enter their limousine.”, Patricio Abinales and Donna Amoroso: “Exiting through the front door, Marcos and his wife were pelted with stones and confronted with placards and an effigy of a coffin symbolizing the death of democracy. . ‘They have shown their idealism.’ And so these food-bringers camped out along the walls of the two camps and kept an eye on the troops deployed thereabouts. Lewis Gleeck Jr.: “A year [after the First Quarter Storm], the students would make common cause with jeepney drivers protesting an increase in gasoline prices. Davide had earlier offered to install Arroyo as the new president under condition of Estrada’s resignation, but was prompted to swear her in earlier because, in the judgment of the Supreme Court, doing so was the only way to prevent bloodshed among street protesters. [27] Quirico S. Samonte, “Student Activism and National Development: The Philippine Setting,” The Journal of Educational Thought 4, no. Serena Diokno: “Activists took to the streets to highlight the following events: Independence Day (June 12), Fil-American Friendship Day (July 4), the anniversary of the Aquino assassination (August 21), the anniversary of the imposition of martial law (September 21), Ninoy Aquino’s birthday (November 27) and Human Rights Day (December 10). NAMFREL estimated that over a million people were unable to vote. The assassination also encouraged members of the military and losers in the Malcañang succession struggle to start plotting a coup.”, Mark Thompson: “Previous efforts by opposition politicians in the Philippines to mobilize the citizenry against the regime either had proved ephemeral (the noise barrage before the 1978 legislative elections), had backfired (the arson and bombing terror campaign), or had relied largely on communist organizers (the 1981 presidential boycott). According to Quirico Samonte, this political passivity was cultivated by the prevailing political culture then; the marked conservativism of the era, itself bolstered by Filipino values; as well as an education system that strongly promoted harmony between the citizenry and the government, especially considering that the latter signed on 15,000 new hires every year. But the radicals, as Lacaba reports, were “spoiling for trouble” with the cops and were “in no mood for dinner-party chatter and elocution contests.” From the battleground that was the vicinity of the Legislative Building on Burgos, the demonstrations that now launched the First Quarter Storm moved on to the premises of Malacañang, after a relative lull of three days in which student groups still took to the streets to denounce the government.”, Gregg Jones: “Four days [after the January 26 rally], thousands of chanting demonstrators marched to the palace, where they commandeered a fire truck and rammed through the main gate. He had already been to Camp Crame that Sunday morning and his ‘first glimpse of rebel soldiers’ was three jeeploads of fatigue-clad men flashing the L sign. The lead helicopter waved a white flag! ‘Learning from the people drives’ to integrate with the peasants in the provinces and joining strikes and picket lines in the factories to sympathize with the workers were some of the typical activities students and many out-of-school youth engaged in. The soldiers are given sandwiches, and are assured that no harm will come to them. In January 1930, Filipino workers in Watsonville, California were beaten up by Caucasian workers, resulting in the death of a Filipino lettuce picker. My car was doing 80 KPH as we overtook the last one. Some catnapped, others played cards, but we were all alert. The people cheered. The military crashed their way into dormitories and boarding houses. Eventually, they failed to be included in the new Aquino administration, although they had worked very hard in the anti-Marcos movements. I saw some of my UST students manning the barricades (mostly made of torn-down movie billboards) at the Morayta-Recto corner. The multitude went wild! . They made subversion, rebellion, sedition, and related crimes capital offenses. Nick Joaquin (Quijano de Manila): “That gesture broke the tension and started everybody smiling and laughing. Some residents in the area banded together and hunted down the radical students in the defense of order and their property rights. . 1834 and P.D. It is presently headed by Professor Hernando Abaya of the University of the Philippines.”, Millet G. Martinez: “‘The BRPF is anti-war and at the same time a socialist organization in the sense that it is opposed to monopolistic capitalism,’ Francisco Nemenzo Jr., past BRPF chairman, explains. The next day, the University of the Philippines and the Philippine College of Commerce convoked meetings of their faculties to protest the ‘police brutality’ of January 26. The human blockade on EDSA had become even denser but the ambiance there was peaceful, even festive, unlike in the area off Malacañang, where sporadic street fighting was breaking out. And it was quite funny that we in the defense department who should be protecting the people were being protected by them.’”, After the press conference, Enrile received a call from Cory Aquino, who was campaigning for civil disobedience in Cebu. My companion pulled out her rosary. I urged them to join us instead.” [The crowd around Letty started flashing the Laban sign while singing, Nick Joaquin (Quijano de Manila): “. By May 1, the ‘rebels’ were in full retreat, with five killed and more than a hundred arrested. Several times has it also been singled out by witch-hunters and downright reactionary officials as ‘communist-inspired,’ etc., in an effort to isolate the KM from the people and totally discredit it as a national democratic youth organization. These were Scout Ranger troopers wearing camouflage and terrifying firepower. Metro Manila: Conspectus Foundation, 1988. The CSM projects are funded by contributions from CSM members mainly. As students (and some faculty), workers and peasants alike–and sometimes, together–launched new radical organisations and engaged in concerted collective campaigns during the course of the decade, Plaza Miranda–the ‘crossroads of the nation’–became a familiar destination not just for Nazareno devotees, downmarket clients, and during election years, political candidates, but also for mass activists–as well as the Metropolitan Anti-Riot squads organised for the occasion. “Unity and Struggle,” In Dictatorship and Revolution: Roots of People’s Power, edited by Aurora Javate-de Dios, Petronilo Bn. The CAPM’s objective was to get a million citizens to sign a draft-Cory-for-president-manifesto—not an easy task in a repressive regime. Quezon City: Philippine Peasant Institute, 1998​. As it came closer its outline became more distinct against the dark-blue of the sky. On the balcony where Marcos had addressed a paid audience at noon now stood a poster of Cory and Doy. This explains why it is for the scrapping of the parity, the abrogation of the Laurel-Langley, bases treaty, military assistance treaty, mutual defense treaty—in short, the elimination of RP-US ‘special relations.’ The KM stand on these and other important national issues have always been pursued by its members with a militance no other youth organization has equalled. At that time there was a nationwide protest against election frauds and terrorism. Serena I. The church was full and there was a huge crowd outside trying to get in. 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